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JTUS, Vol. 01, No. 10 November = 2023                                       

E-ISSN: 2984-7435, P-ISSN: 2984-7427

 

CULTURAL DYNAM= ICS OF PATRIARCHY AND THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT: WOMEN'S PERSPECTIVES IN RIAU MALAY CULTURAL ORDER

Maulin Annisa, Karolina = Lamt= iur Dalimunthe, Retno Hanggarani Ninin

Universitas = Padjadjaran= , Indonesia

= maulin21001@mail.unpad.ac.id, karolina@unpad.a= c.id, rhninin@unpad.ac= .id

 

Abstract

The = purpose of this study is to find out the Cultural Dynamics of Patriarchy and Femi= nist Movement. Women's Perspectives in Riau Malay Cultural Order. In society, women still do not have their rightful place and are often treated discriminatively because of gender differences. Patriarchal culture is st= ill an issue among the Riau Malay community, because it places men in a higher position than women. This study used a literature review analysis method = from various references in accordance with the research. Apart from the inequa= lity of treatment, the level of violence and neglect of women's basic rights w= hich eventually prompted to further explore the social values and morals conta= ined in the cultural customs of the Riau Malay community that influenced the determination of social roles based on gender including gender images that were allegedly masculine and detrimental to women. Basically, Riau Malay culture carries a Matriarchy culture that highly values the role of women= as the main dominance, but over time the concept of matriarchy is increasing= ly abandoned and dominated by the concept of patriarchy. This is based on st= rong dominating patriarchal categories such as temperament, sex role, and stat= us. This cultural view and normative rules that then carry and normalize all forms of violence and corner women is one proof that patriarchy perpetuat= ion is still very thick and prevails among the Riau Malay community.

Keywords: Feminism; Gende= r; Matriarchy; Patriarchy; Riau Malay women

 

INTRODUCTION

Being= a woman in a society that adheres to a social system with a perception that conside= rs men to have a big role in determining the realization of functionalism structures in the family is also known as the concept of patriarchy. The patriarchal view is based on the paternalist concept which is a form of sym= bol which means that men are symbols of a leadership system based on the relationship between mothers and their children in forming a complete dynam= ic of social life (Israpil, 2017= ). So that the perception of society that is then passed down or passed on to the next generation which becomes a habit and difficult to change will form a culture (KBBI, 2022), which is also included in the form of patriarchal culture that is still inherited today.

Patri= archal culture has existed since the Dutch colonized Indonesia which causes women often do not get a proper place and often get discriminatory treatment rela= ted to gender differences (Israpil, 2017= ). The division of roles between men and women, which is socially and culturally constructed by society, develops into stereotypes that divide space, work, = and role fields that are sexist. This pattern continues to live and be passed d= own throughout the course of life and is constructed more and more strongly in society, and is considered the beginning of the formation of patriarchal culture (Irma & Hasanah, 2014)= . Obvious examples of patriarchal culture include education among women is considered not somethi= ng important, resulting in early marriage, sexual harassment, and domestic violence (Harisma, 2009= ).

Patri= archal culture also prevails in Riau Malay society.  Riau Province is located very strategically, namely in a cross posit= ion and can be reached from anywhere, various directions with various means of transportation. The population composition of Riau Province consists of a v= ery heterogeneous community with diverse ethnicities, tribes, social status, religion, culture, and language. This diversity is driven by the increasing= ly advanced and developing economy in Riau Province, thus attracting immigrant= s to try their luck and settle in the Riau Province area (Ellya Roza &a= mp; Dosen, 2015)= . However, Riau is s= aid to be increasingly developed and developing economically, but not with the wel= fare of its women. Riau society still holds a patriarchal culture, one of which = can be seen from the high dropout rate of women in Riau as a reflection of the neglect of girls' needs to study.

Negle= ct of girls is done under the pretext that girls do not need to receive higher education, because later they will only take care of children and take care= of husbands. As a result of the low education possessed by women, women cannot= be economically and socially independent, with very limited knowledge conditio= ns (Frislidia, 20= 18). Even in families that have limited finances, will prioritize their sons for high school, while girls are asked to do domestic duties at home. This makes it difficult for girls to gain access to knowledge for their self-development which then has an impact on the emergence of violence both in the household= and sexual violence (Nursaptini et al., 2020)= . In Riau Province, = there were 513 women who experienced reported sexual violence in 2022 (KEMENPPPA, 20= 22).

Withi= n 12 years, it was found that violence against women had increased, especially in the Riau area from 2020 to 2022, from 270 female victims to 513 female vict= ims (KEMENPPPA, 20= 22).  Ironically, the do= mestic violence law has actually been in place since 2004, but in reality the national policy does not correlate with a decrease in violence. On the other hand, this shows that patriarchal culture can be one of the contribut= ing factors and is still a cultural system applied by the Riau Malay community = even though it is very detrimental to women.

During approximately 23 years of living in Riau, the author found the closest peop= le who experienced this patriarchal culture, although not much is well underst= ood about the meaning of patriarchy among rural communities or remote villages = in Riau.  Such early marriage is very common, as a result of the lack of education possessed by women. This can trigger domestic violence in the form of psychological and verbal violence = with harsh words to lead to physical violence. Referring to patriarchal views, t= his violence is considered as the authority of men as heads of families to teach lessons or guide women who are considered weak. Those who survive in abusive marriage relationships argue that they do not want to let go of their husba= nds because there is no source of income, cannot bear to leave or neglect child= ren, and there is an understanding that women must be submissive and obedient to their husbands, and think that if divorced then women will get a bad view of society. In addition, many cases of sexual harassment also occur but are not reported because they are considered family disgrace, so that when women experience sexual harassment, the action taken is to marry women to perpetrators of sexual harassment. The condition of girls who experienced a= lot of violence was also reflected in the data of the PPA Symphony, namely  victims of female violence with element= ary school education were 157 victims, junior high school 143 victims, and high school 132 victims with the most age in the age range of 13-17 years as man= y as 225 victims and the age range of 6-12 years as many as 168 victims (KEMENPPPA, 20= 22).

The n= umber of cases of violence against women that occurred in Indonesia led to a number = of protests against the absence of law and protection of women which prompted = the passage of the Sexual Violence Criminal Law (TPKS Law) in April 2022. Since= its drafting until its enactment, this law has received mixed responses and even become a controversial issue in Indonesia. Opposing parties consider the material content of the TPKS Law not in accordance with religious values and social norms prevailing in Indonesian society. The existence of opposition = to social values and norms, apart from the inequality of treatment, the level = of violence and neglect of women's basic rights which finally encourages the author to further explore the social values and morals contained in the cultural customs of the Riau Malay community that affect the determination = of social roles based on gender including gen= der descriptions which is allegedly masculine and detrimental to women. The aut= hor suspects that the view that normalizes violence against women and cornering women is most likely related to the still strong patriarchal culture and practices in Riau which are also deeply felt by the author

 

METHODS

The research method used in this study is qualitative descriptive met= hod. The type of data used in this study is qualitative data, which is categoriz= ed into two types, namely primary data and secondary data. Data sources are obtained through library study techniques that refer to sources available b= oth online and offline such as: scientific journals, books and news sourced from trusted sources. These sources are gathered based on discussion and linked = from one piece of information to another. The data collection techniques used in this study were observation, interviews and research. This data is analyzed= and then conclusions are drawn.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Riau Malay Customs and Culture<= o:p>

The l= ife of the Riau Malay community often starts from the value of tradition that live= s in society, then customary values which are considered as a bridge to harmonize life with the community (Dewi, 2016). If you look at t= he norms in the customs of the Riau Malay community, it is very closely related to Islam. This can be known from the famous physiophy in Riau Malay Custom, which reads: “Adat bersendikan syarak, syarak bersendikan kitabullah” <= /i>(Saragih et al., 2021). The meaning of sharak means law that is joi= nted with Islamic teachings, and adat means wearing.= This philosophy confirms that Riau Malay Customs are based on Islamic religious books. If you look at Islamic history, women are highly respected and have = an important role in certain things. Women basically have differences, but this difference does not mean that women are lower or taller than men, nor does = it make men higher or lower than women. As explained in the Qur'an as in surah= Al-Hujurat verse 13 which means "O man! Truly, we c= reated you from a man and a woman, and we made you into nations and tribes so that= you might know one another. Indeed, the noblest among you in the sight of Allah= is the most pious. Truly, Allah is all-knowing, all-conscientious". That = is, equality equality between women and men occurs = when starting from their biological origin.

In fa= ct women are placed second only to men, an indisputable fact in Riau Malay Adat is t= hat in general Malays prioritize the role of men especially in leadership (Saragih et al., 2021), While women have a very limited role and the role that is considered import= ant that can only be done by women is to carry on offspring and take care of the household. According to U.U Hamidy (Agustiar, 2018) Riau Malay cultur= e is always colored by Islamic elements, especially Malay women in their behavior always guided by Islamic norms.  Ri= au Malay culture basically recognizes gender equality  in everyday life. But in reality Malay society is inseparable from elements of patriarchal culture which even consciously distinguishes the roles between women and men. In this case, women in Riau Malay customs are closely relate= d to serving activities, such as servants for the nobility (royal era), for exam= ple in terms of serving food for nobles (Saragih et al., 2021). However, this association between women and their role as servants is often generalized to all aspects, such as serving male desires both in sexual, as well as being a male emotional vent, since women are considered weak and easily deceived creatures. Thus, there are two things that make Riau Malay philosophy and customs that seem to be good and respect for women, different in application and harm women, namely the limitation of roles based on gender such = as  women's ro= les in serving and the second is the process of generalization of these roles in various other situations such as services provided in the dining room are required to be carried out also in other situations such as sexual relations and others.

The s= econd thing that also displays contrasting differences is the determination of the lineage of the Riau Malay community with the reality faced daily by women. = In Malay culture, lineage is based on women or based on maternal lineage. That way, a mother will prefer to give birth to a daughter so that her bloodline= is not broken, also known as the mother tribe. However, when the family does not have a daughter, the bloodline will break and will follow the bloodline of the son's pair (daughter-in-law) (Susanti, 2014). Although it has = an important role in the lineage, this does not make women in an important position, because in decision making or even in earning a living the priori= ty is men. This recognition is manifested in all activities that prioritize me= n in solving social problems. This is based on the consideration that women are difficult to solve problems because they are more emotional than men who are considered more logical, in addition, women are also often the subject of violence and deception of men, so they are considered not very appropriate = as decision makers (Syahrir, 2017). On the other han= d, there is a kind of tradition for married couples, namely wanting a daughter first rather than a son. This desire is based on the consideration that girls can immediately help in taking care of the household such as cooking, washing, = cleaning the house, and others. Thus, it can be concluded that although traditionall= y, Riau Malay women are tribal parents or holders of descendants of a tribe, but the roles expected to be taken by women are limited to domestic activities and are not given other more strategic roles such as decision ma= king due to stereotypical assessments of women's traits that are considered emotional and easily deceived. This indicates that the role of women as tri= bal parents stops meaning or symbolic function, there is a transition from the role of women in the Riau Malay tribe as a tribal parent which is the determina= nt of the existence of a tribe, which then power is dominated and held by the = role of men through female descendants, where these roles and functions then bec= ome incongruent and in line with the meaning and position of women in the Ri= au Malay tribe.

Basic= ally, Riau Malay culture recognizes gender equality in everyday life. In some expressions Riau Malay describes the existence of gender equality which is stated in the following picture:  t= he custom of living with the same village, men and women please help. The custom of living is the same as countrymen, men and women give giving. The custom of living is a race, men and women are equally understandable. The custom of living with countrymen, men and women feel= (Sofia Hardani, Wilaela, 2012)= . These phrases clea= rly regulate the relationship between men and women. Men and women in life help each other, fill each other, and feel each other. This principle shows that women are not looked down upon and degraded, but are considered equal to me= n. Along with the times, this began to seem abandoned and not understood again= by some community groups, so that gender inequality was inevitable in the Riau Malay community. Stereotypes that develop in society reflect the assumption that society will be governed like men, but with women, not men as central = role holders. In fact, in cultural history, the role of women or mothers referre= d to as matriarchy is older than patriarchy that develops now. In matriarchy the= re is an understanding of the fact that the mother is the origin or beginning = of every living thing, but as civilization develops this stereotype has changed the fact of matriarchy into a patriarchal cultural pattern. =

Thus,= it can be concluded that in Islamic teachings and Riau Malay customs, there is actually no obstacle for women to actualize themselves in public spaces and= do not distinguish the treatment of humans based on their gender. Likew= ise, by lineage, women hold the main status and there is recognition of gender equality in Riau Malay culture. The second is a generalization of these nar= row functions and roles that women should perform in almost all aspects of life. Basically, the Riau Malay community is one of the ethnic groups that applies the matriarchy system in their lives. As a matrilineal society, the role and position of women greatly determine various aspects of their lives, not only with regard to lineage, but also related to leadership structures determined based on the maternal line.  Howeve= r, there are two things that make the basic framework of Riau Malay culture and customs that actually favor women turn around and harm women, namely between the position and basic principles of roles, and the function of women which= is narrowed down based on stereotypes of women's traits.<= /o:p>

 <= /span>

Portrayal of Riau = Malay Women

   According to Riswa= ni (Sofia Hardani, Wilaela, 2012) Women are beautiful, tall, and noble beings. Women are also symbolized like a &qu= ot;full moon" with a resplendent, sparkling beauty, like a "morning star" lauded like a "goddess of heaven". In Malay expressions, the portrayal of women as beautiful, tall, and noble beings is even equivalent to the position of men, expressions that have a certain mea= ning or intent with figurative language that contains noble values, morals, and ethics that adhere to norms, customs for generations. The figurative pictur= e is seen in a Malay expression that reads:

"= ;beautifulsky bec= ause of the moon, beautiful earth with kayan wood, beau= tiful sea because it gives, beautiful nation because of women" and &q= uot;Malay sign holds custom, men women are balanced as much as they like, the custom = of living together is sedusun men women lead to lead"

   These phrases symbolize a reflection of= Malay cultural values that respect, glorify, and prioritize women in life = (Sofia Hardani, Wilaela, 2012). This relates to = the customs of modesty and social order of women in accordance with the provisi= ons of customary norms and religious norms. However, when women's attitudes and behaviors change towards masculine or take on male roles, it is considered = against the prevailing norms. The portrayal of women who have a noble, high and beautiful position is depicted as a woman valued for her voting rights in t= he household, has the right to protection from all forms of violence, and is f= ree to express herself according to applicable customs and norms, but it is undeniable that women's self-actualization is still shackled by the stigma = of society. Matriarchy or matrilineal culture that makes individuals see themselves as descendants of the mother without seeing the offspring of the father. Thus, the idea of matriarchy culture is not about women's rules, but about social principles and values rooted in the meaning of motherhood, whe= re both sexes basically work together to advance human welfare and not dominate each other. However, this will not be seen when the role of women themselve= s is misinterpreted by men and society that still holds the concept of patriarch= al culture.

As in research Riswani (2012) It is still found that women with education levels are much lower than men's education as well as in terms of political participation, women are far beh= ind men. The underlying assumption is explained by Pyke (Nursaptini et al., 2020) Regarding the por= trayal of women in patriarchy, such as social agreements that actually only benefit the interests of the dominant group (men), it tends to be considered representative of everyone's interests. The portrayal views that men have f= ull voting rights who can be given great responsibilities such as earning a liv= ing and making important decisions, compared to women who understand their natu= re to submit and obey the choices that have been given such as only focusing on carrying out domestic work and not being able to do work outside the home. = The existence of such hegemonic ideologies is part of everyday thinking, tends = to be taken for granted as something that it should be.

   Women as housewives also have an import= ant role in taking care of the household, indirectly this position has a very influential value for Riau Malay women (Saragih et al., 2021). Internal conflic= ts will affect the activities of these men, and not infrequently if women are not g= ood at taking care of the household, they will be considered failures as women = and only become a burden for men in supporting the family. Thus, the need for understanding for each individual in sharing roles to jointly support the family harmoniously without condescending and feeling degraded in the famil= y. So that the concepts of matriarchy and patriarchy do not dominate each othe= r.

 <= /span>

Regulation of Riau= Malay women's behavior through "Pantang larang"

   The regulation of behavior in Riau Malay women is strengthened by the existence of customary traditions and provisio= ns known as "pantang larang" contained in Malay tradition. The tradition of "abstinence larang"  is a belief of the Malay community in the past related to the customs and cult= ure of ancestral heritage that was passed down orally from generation to generation, this aims to educate the community, especially the younger generation, in order to lead to the application of good values that can be practiced in life (Sofia Hardani, Wilaela, 2012). Abstinence is no= t only a prohibition without value, but there is an important message contained in e= ach of these prohibitions on women's behavior. Abstinence from prohibitions that still exist in society such as  "Abstinence from the mor= ning sitting pensively at the door, far sustenance", means that a girl should not sit at the door, because it is feared  that the fiancée or in marriage = is an agreement on the part of the man and woman to cancel the marriage bond that= has been carried out. The abstinence is actually not the true meaning to be conveyed. The abstinence is only as a medium to educate young people's ethi= cs so as not to hinder everyone who wants to go in and out of the house. &q= uot;Abstain from drying clothes at night, get spit of the devil", This phrase = of abstinence is usually conveyed by parents to their daughters. The meaning of this expression abstinence is actually advising the child not to dry clothe= s at night because damp clothes can cause dark spots on clothes (Erwanto et al., 2016).

Erwantor (2016) also added "Abstinence from girls singing while cooking, can old husbands", This phrase abstinence is usually conveyed by parents to advise their daughters (girls). The meaning of this phrase abstinence is actually advising girls not to sing while cooking because it can make cooki= ng less sterile. Saliva may squirt or come out of the mouth when singing. "Abstain from cooking saltiness, sign of going or son to have a husband again", this phrase of abstinence is usually conveyed by parents to their daughters. The meaning of this expression abstinence is actually advi= sing the daughter not to be salty in cooking because it is a waste. "Abs= tain from sweeping all the way to the table, will keep sustenance", This phrase of abstinence is usually conveyed by parents to their daughters. The meaning of this phrase abstinence is actually advising the girl not to sweep all the way to the table because the broom is dirty and can cause dust on t= he table. This is of course not good for health.

Some = of the prohibitions above describe how women should do things. In fact, this can a= lso be done by men and is not an obligation for women. However, what happens is that the emphasis is more on women because women more often do household activities such as cleaning, cooking, and washing. This illustrates the inequality between the prohibitions placed on women and men. Thus, it deman= ds more from the female side even the division of roles sometimes seems exaggerated by men, so that men get more power when compared to what women = get (Sofia Hardani, Wilaela, 2012). One example is t= he abstinence prohibition "Abstinence from sweeping to the table, will ke= ep sustenance away",  if this happens then the w= oman is considered the main perpetrator who causes sustenance away if it is not really understood again the purpose and purpose of giving abstinence will g= ive misunderstandings and will cause this abstinence to continue to be given for generations.   "Abstain= from cooking saltiness, sign of going or son to have a husband again" <= span style=3D'mso-spacerun:yes'> if understood the meaning will not matte= r if conveyed, but sometimes this can cause disputes in the household, because i= t is considered not to appreciate wives or daughters who have tried to provide f= ood treats, and can also have an impact on the psychology of women who consider that they are useless and do not have expertise in cooking,  or even feel unworthy to be a wife beca= use they can't serve good food.

Thus, abstinence has many positive things that can be taken the meaning and purpo= se of giving abstinence so that women can behave in accordance with applicable customary norms, but if misinterpreted then this can have a negative impact= on the portrayal of women in Riau Malay customs.

 <= /span>

Psychological femi= nist theory views on deviations in Riau Malay Adat regarding women= =

Some deviations from women both from the assumption that women do not have to receive higher education, women are weak creatures, women will only take ca= re of the household, and so on which will lead to various forms of violence and harassment received by women, so it is not surprising if finally women who = feel gender inequality  forming a femini= st movement that exists to fight ignorance and sexist practices that are still developing in Indonesian society (Daradinanti, 2022). 

In fa= ct, feminists have pros and cons that are often associated with atheism. Atheis= m is an idea that does not recognize the existence of God. Some societies consid= er that the feminist movement is tantamount to going against the natural nature given by God for man, where women and men have been given their respective roles. One of the natural natures of women is the nature of reproduction su= ch as menstruation, pregnancy, childbirth, and breastfeeding things that canno= t be done by men. But in fact, the construction of society related to women's na= ture that is understood is in terms of taking care of the household which causes women to be unable to participate in activities outside the household such = as pursuing higher education, participating in political activities, or even working for a living. The view that men are stronger, more powerful, more entitled to important roles has constructed a cultural order that favors men over women (Susanto, 2015= ). 

The e= xisting cultural constructs have been going on for generations, so it is difficult = for society to distinguish between the so-called nature and cultural constructs= as products of human creation. Thus, the feminist movement exists so that ever= y gender can freely make their choices without anyone limiting themselves. Just as w= omen are free to choose to take the desired level of education, the dream job, a= nd so on (Nur A, 2020)<= /span>. Thus, the feminist movement is an effort to humanize human beings, to restore dig= nity and the opportunity to actualize the potential of women.

Many stereotypes are general so that they become ambiguous, for example in the regulation of women's behavior in abstinence, which provides taboos on wome= n in accordance with existing customary norms. But when it is not well understood and limits on roles, status, and responsibilities within a social group, it should not be perpetuated (Sofia Hardani, Wilaela, 2012)= . Such is the case w= hen men are considered dominant and have greater responsibility in everything than women who already have the role of mothers and take care of the household, = and cannot be included in decision making. In Malay culture, Riau also clearly explains the portrayal of women. However, certain attachments to gender cau= se gender injustice, such as marginalization, subordination, stereotypes, and = violence which leads to patriarchal culture.

 <= /span>

Dynamics of Matria= rchy and Patriarchy Ideology in Riau Malay Society

The k= inship system adopted by the Malay community is the matrilineal kinship system or commonly called matriarchy. Matriarchy is the leadership position of women = in society inherited from the maternal lineage (UII, 2021). The principle of kinship means allowing the individual to see himself as descendant of his mother. For Malays, the so-called family is the grandmother of the mother a= nd her siblings, as well as the child of the grandmother.

Accor= ding to Sjarifoendin (Idriyani, 2= 020), matrilineal kinship structure has three main elements, namely:=

1.   According to the mother's bloodline

2.   Mother plays a major role in education, controlling income and family peace.=

3.   Marriages must be performed with groups other than their own group that adheres to the matrilineal system.

The i= deology of matriarchy is essentially a form of cooperation and contains social principles and values derived from the importance of motherhood. This ideological concept does not recognize violence against women and children.= In contrast to the concept of patriarchal ideology.

Accor= ding to Millet (Bindel, 2017) The basic institu= tion in the formation of patriarchal culture is the family, where patriarchal ideol= ogy is well preserved in both traditional and modern societies. As the smallest unit of patriarchy, the family contributes greatly to the strengthening of = this ideology. The family encourages each of its members to think and behave according to the rules of a patriarchal society. The behavior taught to children is distinguished between how to behave as a man and a woman. Patriarchal ideology is socialized into three categories as follows:

1.    Temperament, is a component of psychology that includes grouping a person's personality based on the needs= and values of the dominant group. This gives stereotype categories  to men and women such as strong, intelligent, aggressive, effective are inherent traits of men, seen from the Riau Malay community which prioritizes men's education over women's educati= on. While submissive, ignorant, virtuous, and ineffective are inherent traits in women because of a lack of understanding of how women behave. However, this basically contradicts the understanding in the portra= yal of Riau Malay women who are glorified, high, and beautiful.

2.   Sex role, is a sociological component that works on the behavior of both genders. This distinguishes gestures and attitudes in each gender. So that there is a = stereotype attachment to women as domestic workers (domestic service) and men as breadwinners. It can also be seen from the problem related to women who are considered as servants who are misinterpreted as servants who serve male lu= st and as a place of emotional vent. And also related to the nature of women w= ho are constructed by society as women who only take care of household chores, including serving their husbands.

3.   Status, which is a political component where men have superior status which is clos= ely related in leadership and decision making, and inferior women who are considered unable to make important decisions so that it is difficult to be= come leaders because they are considered gullible. This ideology arises when the community does not understand well the role of women, as in the Riau Malay expression related to the depiction of this status is explained, namely "the custom of living with men and women tuntu= n mentun", thus men and women should be = able to complement and guide each other and not distinguish status.

Patri= archal ideology is very difficult to remove from society because society continues= to maintain it for generations. The stereotype attached to women as domestic workers makes her weak because she does not earn money from her work taking care of the household. This domestic work is underestimated and becomes her obligation as a woman. She does not need to earn money from her labor and a= s a result she is always dependent on her husband. Millet (Bindel, 2017) states that patri= archal ideology cannot be torn down because economically women are dependent on me= n. That dependence lasted for his whole life. Although in history there have b= een many women who have had important positions in society and the state, they = have not always received appreciation for their roles and abilities. In terms of fighting for equality for women in terms of politics, socio-culture, econom= y, private space and public space, a feminist movement was formed (Octaviani et al., 2022).  One of the most important aspects of fe= minist struggle is against patriarchal culture. Patriarchy is often misinterpreted, causing problems in society (Octaviani et al., 2022). 

Riau = Malay women are now faced with conflicting patriarchal and feminist demands, even though Riau Malays basically adhere to matriarchy. Women are now beginning = to understand that patriarchal culture harms and hinders their growth. But on = the other hand, it is not easy to adopt feminist values that tend to be opposit= e to all that has been accepted since childhood. Many women do not understand the knowledge of feminism (Octaviani et al., 2022). Women's lives to= day are a form of resistance to patriarchy and an attempt to adapt to an evolving society. Feminist groups consider traditional people as gender biase= d, while patriarchal societies consider feminist groups heretical because they= are influenced by western culture (Lianawati, 2021).

Women= can have the same access as men in terms of obtaining jobs, education, making decisions, joining politics, and so on. Riau Malay women can also get a hig= her education does not mean that women will not be in the kitchen, but the difference is that women with good education will be able to manage the household with good understanding and will minimize all forms of violence a= nd harassment. If this happens, women will know what to do without considering= it as a woman's obligation in marriage. So that women can understand the natur= e of justice and gender equality  , although patriarchal culture cannot be easily separated from the context that has been understood by society about the role of men and w= omen in their social reality.

The subordination of women is considered structural and described as a patriarc= hal culture. In Riau Malay culture, it shows that the position of a man is high= er than a woman, as seen from the level of education that prioritizes boys and decision making is delegated more to men.  In line with national history that reveals a fact that women are not allowed to pursue education (unless the woman is from the priyayi or aristocratic circle), let alone have a profession outside the home or participate in the bureaucracy. As it has been observed in history that wom= en are marginalized, the paradigm continues to be hegomon= ized until now so that women are always considered weak and helpless (Palulungan et al., 2020).

This = is the fact that how strong the feminist movement in Indonesia is in promoting gen= der equality, but the patriarchal culture that has been closely held by Indones= ian society, especially Riau, is difficult to eliminate because Malay Adat adhe= res to Islam which also leads women to submit and obey their nature. It seems t= hat many of the people misinterpret the nature of women, where the nature of wo= men is basically menstruation, pregnancy, childbirth and breastfeeding. However, the understanding that occurs in society is that women will only be in the kitchen and take care of the household well and are considered unnecessary = to receive a good education. This shows that patriarchal perpetuation is still very thick both in the fields of education, socio-culture, and the surround= ing environment.

=  

=  

Tension of Matriar= chy and Patriarchy in Riau Malay Culture

The e= mergence of gender inequality between  men and women,  cause= d both by cultural factors such as, women are paid less even when doing exactly the same work as men, low levels of education and by social habits that separate women in the home, doing unpaid housework and taking care of children and e= ven parents. The fact that women need to do housework and look after children prevents them from entering the workforce to make a living. In addition, wo= men are still victims of a lot of violence, and sexual harassment. The desire of men to dominate power and leadership in all sectors of life is included in = the form of patriarchal culture.

In Ri= au Malay culture, it initially adhered to the ideology of matriarchy because it was related to the maternal lineage which still continues today. However, matriarchy is transitioning to a patriarchal ideology in relation to father= hood (men) are considered to have a higher position in their rights. As illustra= ted from some of the explanations above, matriarchy culture remains as an impor= tant phase of cultural development, but the state of transition from matriarchy = to patriarchy is indisputable. Therefore, the emergence of the concept of patriarchy in Riau Malay culture is characterized by violence and dominatio= n. Thus, this is considered a transition of involution rather than an evolutio= n, because of the transition from a matriarchical society to a patriarchal society that assumes that social structures and la= ws are enforced based on men's rights. The stigma of society considers the con= cept of matriarchy where women take power and leadership to society, so the deba= te to dominate arises. This assumption is reinforced by the assumption that the tasks in earning a living are only carried out by men, then the underlying thing that underlies this patriarchal violation is related to temperamen= t where women  ar= e considered weak and helpless, and sex roles  where women are the place of conception= and need the role of men to fertilize, and in terms of status that distinguishes the roles of men and women in decision making and Leadership that should be done by men.

Thus,= the perpetuation of patriarchal domination occurs due to the stigma and stereot= ypes of society that interpret matriarchy in terms of domination where women rul= e in society, and society considers this not in line with the generally understo= od role of women, namely working at home. Conversely, in matriarchy culture th= ere will be no violence and domination because the concept of matriarchy is a f= orm of cooperation between women and men, while the patriarchal concept that is carried out is men as central role holders both in the educational, social,= and political fields through female offspring. In the end, Malay culture contin= ues the culture of matriarchy but what is carried out in everyday life is patriarchal culture.

 <= /span>

CONCLUSION

Patri= archal culture can be one of the contributing factors and is still a cultural syst= em applied by the Riau Malay community even though it is very detrimental to women. When viewed from the norms and customs of the Riau Malay community w= hich is based on Islam and basically Riau Malays recognize gender equality in everyday life. In Malay expressions there are depictions of Riau Malay women that reflect respected, glorified, and beautiful women. Not only that, wome= n's behavior is also regulated in customary provisions known as "abstinence" which relates to prohibitions that have important messages against women. However, in reality this is not easy to understand = well the meaning and purpose of these expressions.

Riau = Malay culture basically adheres to the concept of matriarchy, which is the line of descent based on women based on maternal lineage. However, it underwent a transition from matriarchy to patriarchy, placing men as the main power hol= ders and dominating in a central role. This causes a distorted understanding, so that when applied in indigenous peoples there are deviations. This happens = due to the stigma and stereotypes held by society regarding the role of women in general. Islamic teachings still color Malay customs, but do not make women= 's position and women's roles free from discrimination, and make women not have the same access as men in terms of obtaining education, making decisions, a= nd so on. The emergence of societal constructions related to women's nature al= so increasingly makes women lack the right to freely choose against themselves. This is one proof that patriarchy perpetuation is still very thick, violence and harassment are closely related to gender roles.

With appropriate measures, such as inclusive education, economic empowerment, an= d a change in mindset, the Riau Malay community can build a more just and inclu= sive future for all individuals. In this regard, collaboration between governmen= ts, communities, and individuals is essential. With joint efforts, it can creat= e a Riau Malay community that respects and strengthens the role of women, as we= ll as provide space for each individual to develop.

 

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=  

Copyright holder:

Maulin Annisa, Karolina = Lamtiur Dalimunthe, Retno Hanggarani Ninin  (2023)<= span style=3D'color:black'>

First publication right:

Journal Transnational Universal Studies (JTUS)<= /span>

This article is licensed under:<= /o:p>

                                                 =                                                                            =

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Maulin Annisa, Karolina Lamtiur Dalimunthe, Retno <= span class=3DSpellE>Hanggarani Ninin

Cultural Dynam= ics of Patriarchy and the Feminist Movement: Women's Perspectives in Riau Malay Cultural Order

38                                  =                                                         JTUS, Vol. 01, No. 10 November 2023

JTUS, Vol. 01, No. 10 November 2023                                                                        =                   39= =

JTUS, Vol. 01, No. 10 November 2023                                                =                                          = 37=

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